Saturday, May 25, 2013

Sparrows Nest: Good News for Radical Researchers


This is an excellent source for little-known byways of libertarian history.
Watch this space for some exciting discoveries coming shortly.

The Sparrows' Nest opened in December 2008. They held a very interesting meeting at the London Anarchist Book Fair last October.

Information from http://thesparrowsnest.org.uk:

Online Catalogue:  Online catalogue with searchable keywords: ANARCHIST BOOKS/PAMPHLETS - note this is a table of all content with fairly large file size (6MB) so wait to load before searching. Use search facility on your browser. Alternatively, Download/print catalogue ordered by author or by title (no keywords, around 700kB filesize). Last updated 19-April-2013.
Digital Libary of scanned publications: newest project scanning the content of The Sparrows' Nest Public Archive. Previously scanned in: the Soldarity Federation archive and the personal archive of one of its founding members, Ron  - converted into PDF format.
Plus scans of miscellaneous material such as unique local anti-Poll Tax campaigning newsletters, leaflets & press-cuttings. Select the Digital Library menu item for all this. Originals of digitised material are also available(in Nottingham)  but please note many of these documents are fragile and are kept in acid-free and lignin-free archive boxes and require special handling.

More details on their home page.

Friday, May 24, 2013

Meeting Report, Wednesday 8th May, 2013


Radical History Network of North East London

‘EVERYWHERE AND NOWHERE’: General Strikes, Solidarity Strikes and Industrial Solidarity
“The general strike is a revolution which is everywhere and nowhere”  (Fernand Pelloutier)

 
The 1926 General Strike in the UK  [By Alex - Full report of presentation available]

 
In May 1926 2 million workers joined the only General Strike Britain has ever seen. It lasted nine days, before being called off by the people who had called it – the General Council of the Trades Union Congress. The TUC leadership had unwillingly called the Strike, in support of a million miners who had been locked out of the pits until they accepted drastic wage cuts. The General Council had been forced into action by the overwhelming class feeling of the members of the unions, who both strongly supported the miners and believed a General Strike to be in their own interests in the face of an economic assault from the bosses and the government.

 
The Strike was in most cases rock solid: increasing numbers of workers were walking out, and towards its end it was spreading into other industries not officially on strike. But the government was very well prepared, having planned in advance - ensuring the amassing of coal stocks to make sure the miners could be defeated and industry could keep going, recruiting volunteer strike-breakers ahead of time, and setting up networks to organise nationally and locally.
 

But, afraid of the possibilities of workers escaping their control, and class warfare overflowing their very limited aims, the TUC bureaucrats tried hard to avoid the Strike, attempted to hamstring strikers on the ground from any autonomous action, negotiated throughout with the government and finally called the strike off, claiming they’d gained concessions, even though none had been won. Although 100,000 more workers came out on the day following the ending of the Strike than had previously been called out, very quickly most workers returned to work, facing worsening pay and conditions from employers made bold by the defeat – and leaving the miners to fight alone for six months until they were forced to give in and accept wage reductions. This sellout did leave a powerful legacy of bitterness. At the time, and ever since, the TUC leadership has been blamed for betraying the General Strike, and the miners.
 

Many on the left, including ourselves, obsess on the myth of May 1926 as some kind of potential revolutionary situation, thwarted by union leaders holding back class struggle. But maybe it wasn’t: few at the TIME saw it as more than an (admittedly huge) industrial dispute, limited to support for the miners. It’s possible that it was doomed to failure, given the conditions prevalent at the time. Although the situation may have contained a lot of ‘revolutionary potential’, this depended on the willingness, confidence and numbers of working class people prepared to go beyond the trade union structures when it became necessary. Whatever bitterness and anger at the selling out of the miners may have existed (and it was widespread), there was no critical mass of people able to translate it into maintaining or extending the Strike.

 

Recent General Strikes in Spain (and generally) [By Millie - Full report of presentation available]

 
Historically there have been two main ways general strikes have come about: They have been national events, pre-announced, or they have erupted, usually on a regional or city-wide basis… The latter type of general strike often starts in one industry, and spreads; it is more often spontaneous or organized from below while the first is more likely to be more top down. Quite often the second kind is provoked by some act of brutality, oppression or repression by the authorities or employers… Most of the city-wide or regional general strikes did have in common that they occurred at a time of general class struggle, upsurge of strikes, etc, they didn’t spring up out of nowhere…

 
In Spain, you often get small general strikes in various regions or cities; for example in Puerto Real, a strike in a car factory grew into a general strike in the whole region. More recently the Asturias miners’ strike sparked a one-day general strike. Spain really loves its General Strikes… There have been 3 there since the start of the current financial crisis in 2008, but before that, just in the post-Franco era, they’ve taken place in 1981, 1985, 1988, 1992, 1994, 2002, 2003, 2010.

 
Most of these have been called in response to labour laws, pension ‘reform’ or dole ‘reform’… Interestingly there have been two main exceptions, having more political than economic aims: the first was called against the attempted military coup in 1981, the second against Spain’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003. [NB, remembering that the first echoes the general strike and popular mobilisation against the fascist coup of 1936 that launched the Spanish Civil War]. The latter strike saw a lot of civil disobedience, mass opposition – the strike was very much centred in community organising.

 
More specifically, the one day general strikes of the last three years have all been called ‘from the top’ by the two large union confederations, the UGT and the CCOO. But on the day, they feature a lot of mass grassroots activity.

 

OPEN DISCUSSION   These are points that came up in the discussion.

 
• It’s true that post-World War 1 there was a near-revolutionary situation, across Europe there were revolutions and uprisings, and a crisis in Britain. Does today suggest a re-run of 1926? Capitalism has changed a lot structurally, the industrial landscape has altered. There have also been huge changes in class composition, sociological changes, especially increasing atomization; people’s relationship to work and hence the focus on workplace struggles is v. different.

 
• Is there a way at approaching a pan-European General Strike? The European TUC structure poses some problems…

 
• What about a General Strike in the future? What factors will cause it?

 
• The General strike is a means to an end – we need also to think about strikes as occupations, sit ins, there is a long tradition of this in some places. How can we help to bring it about?

 
• Interesting that the first speaker linked William Benbow and Rosa Luxemburg. Benbow was part of the movement for reform that was betrayed by the 1832 Reform Act. Remember that at this time trade unionism was still illegal, trade unionists could be transported to the penal colonies. [Typist’s note: I think that the Combination Acts that banned trade unions or workplace organising had in fact been repealed a few years before in 1825, though it’s true that many aspects of organising could get you arrested, the Tolpuddle Martyrs for instance were specifically transported for swearing oaths when joining the union]. Benbow’s Grand National Holiday: in discussions around this idea, the question of ‘how will we eat?’ came up, and Benbow said “There’s sheep on a thousand hills”, i.e. let’s take everything from the ruling class. But recognizing that this meant civil war.  Rosa Luxemburg also saw things clearly – she made a point that a general strike has to involve unorganized workers – in fact she went further and stated that the struggles of previously unorganized workers would be a factor giving a mass strike real force and potential to transcend trade unionism.

 
• Has there ever been an organic general strike that has grown out of struggles at the grassroots? Yes, as an example, 1877 was given, a nationwide US strike wave sparked by one train strike. This movement arose in a period of intense social change following the US Civil War, in the 1870s many advances and opportunities were in the process of being closed down and restricted, and there was a large collective response. City-wide strikes (as mentioned earlier) were often sparked by dispute in one industry and spread outward. Even a shop assistants’ strike launched a General Strike in 1905. The 1905 Russian revolution to some extent was made up of an organic general strike, growing out of city strikes arising from immediate demands or grievances. For instance the sacking of two workers in the Putilov works in St Petersburg spiraled into a general strike in that city, and so on…

 
• Now, though, conditions are much less favourable. We’ve seen changes in work, i.e. most people being in temporary or insecure jobs, the [worse than] decimation of many staple industries, the huge decline in union membership, and a reduction in community, solidarity, the possibility of people standing together. These changes haven’t come about coincidentally, they have been imposed partly because of previous waves of militancy. It is important to recognize the changes we face now, but also useful to discuss and remember these struggles from the past, and learn as much as we can. It was suggested we can’t just build solidarity around workplaces any more, people don’t work in the same way, big factories etc .with a community around where most people work, are a thing mostly of the past for the UK and western Europe at least… Struggles outside work have risen in importance for many.

 
• It’s also true that many people aren’t happy to join in strikes that aren’t sanctioned by official structures.

 
• But expansion of strikes often takes place outside work now. People who aren’t necessarily on strike can participate in other ways. “Anything where people feel they can connect.” E.g. in Spain, Occupy have launched a campaign of local organising, “Occupy to the barrios”, rather than focusing on central points. [Typist: interestingly we had the same discussion in Reclaim the Streets in 1998-9, though those of us who argued that RTS should be concentrating on local struggles rather than building for big spectacular one-offs lost the argument then. Though that did lead to June 18th 1999, which some people rate highly. Hey ho.]
 

• How does industrial action spread? During the 1984-5 miners’ strike, there was massive support and solidarity but no other strike action in support.


• Neighbourhood level is the key to organising, local groups and so on, focusing on immediate action. The poll tax showed it was possible… There’s a need for groups of workers getting together locally.

 
• There really is no point in whingeing about the TUC, unions etc, we should just be organising for ourselves.
 

Here the discussion on the night ended… obviously we should be continuing to debate these issues as part of our movements etc…

Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Ink Now: Posters, Collectives and Art: Tuesday 4th June

An evening of presentations and discussion about how posters have been
used in different radical, political, feminist, collective and community
settings. By looking at specific historical moments we hope to open up a
conversation about radical ideas and collective practices in the
contemporary art context.
WHEN: 6.30-8.30pm, Tuesday 4th June. Refreshments available from 6pm

WHERE: Lecture Theatre CR100, London Met University, 41-47 Commercial
Road, London, E1 1LA, nearest tube: Aldgate East, buses: 15, 254,205, 25.

Suzy Mackie and Pru Stevenson, founding members of the See Red Women's
Workshop Collective, which produced silkscreened feminist and community
posters from c1974 up to the early 1990s, will show poster images and talk
about why and how the collective was set up and the first 8 years.

Jess Baines (LSE/LCC) will be presenting her research on the history of
late 20th century radical and community printing collectives and co-ops in
the UK - including: poster collectives, service printers, typesetters and
print resource centres. Jess is also a former Member of the See Red Womens
Workshop

Dean Kenning (Kingston University and CSM) will be talking about the
recent show at Portman Gallery: ‘Poster Production’ where he worked with
art students from Morpeth School, Central St Martins and Reading
University, and with several contemporary artists to produce posters based
on different themes and according to various methods of working.

Rachael House and Jo David from artist run Space Station Sixty-Five on
posters and archives in the art space, including poster-related shows such
as 'Shape and Situate' 'Rachael will also talk about her recent
exhibitions 'Feminist Disco' and 'A Space of Potential' which draw on
feminist cultures'?

Chair: Anne Robinson (senior lecturer at London Metropolitan University
and former member of See Red Womens Workshop

Admission free and all welcome, but please register at:

http://inknowposters.eventbrite.com Email: anne.robinson@londonmet.ac.uk
for further information. Supported by The Facility, FSSH

Friday, May 17, 2013

Past Tense walk around the Elephant & Castle: Saturday June 1st

Past Tense publications present
Wild Walworth and Elephant's Arse:

Stumbling round the radical history of South London's newest property
hotspot!
Bumping with intent into the latest gentrifried developments.
Cursing together at various points along the way.
This walk, itself a re-enactment of a previous radical history walk, will
talk us on an amusing journey round Walworth and The Elephant. We will visit scenes of radical crimes, look for faded spraypaint slogans, hear of the dead and who dunnit, dig up past victories.

Includes anarchists,socialists, punks,radical printers, feminists,
anti-nazis and of course many, many more from all ages. We will also leave our mark on the landscape. Please bring chalk. Bring written curses directed at your favourite targets for us to incorporate.

Meet at 56a Infoshop,
56 Crampton St,
Walworth,
London SE17 3AE

1pm for look around the Infoshop.
1.30 Walk begins pronto!

Saturday, May 11, 2013

Independent Working Class Education: Rebuilding the Plebs tradition

Update on Programme:

May we invite you to this London IWCE Workshop?

Email to book a place: iwceducation@yahoo.co.uk

INDEPENDENT WORKING CLASS

EDUCATION: REBUILDING THE TRADITION

Saturday 1st June 2013

12.30 - 3.30

£3.00

Stan Newens on "The need for a Socialist Education today: lessons from NCLC"

Colin Waugh, Roshni Joshi and Rosie Huzzard on "Adult & Part Time Learners:

Organising Britain's Hidden Students and Student Workers"

and Chris Coates will talk about the TUC Library Collections

and then take us on a tour.

Keith Venables

The venue details are:

Room LCG-07 (Ground Floor)

London Metropolitan University

The Learning Centre

236-250 Holloway Road London N7 6PP

 

This is directly opposite Holloway Road tube station (Piccadilly Line).

The entrance is in Hornsey Road:


IWCE Project tries to
* develop a diverse range of education materials and approaches for trade union and other working class and progressive movement groups
* respect the role of the working class in making history, and in making the future .

 Seminar 1st June 12.30 - 3.30
@ London Metropolitan University
N7 6PP

if you would like to make a short presentation.

IWCE Project tries to
*        develop a diverse range of education materials and approaches for trade union
and other working class and progressive movement groups
*     respect the role of the working class in making history, and in making the future

Agenda so far
Stan Newens on Socialist Education and NCLC
Colin Waugh on IWCE and FE/HE
Chris Coates will show us around the TUC Library
 
Keith Venables/Colin Waugh and Team


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
RaHN background notes: On 11 February 2009 held a meeting with Colin Waugh speaking on “The Ruskin College Strike,  Plebs League and Independent Working Class Education”, with these Notes circulated by Alan Woodward in advance:-

The historical events of a hundred years ago are still mulled over, and
concerned  the responsibility for  post-school education. In those years,
the unions in this country were extending  their activities beyond the
realm of skilled workers and seeking to ensure a proper adult education
for those many less skilled who missed out on secondary schooling. 
Many of those with high ability wanted university style education as
befitted  their capacities, in order to  take part in the expansion of
unions in workplaces, but this  corner was being  dominated by university
authorities. They tried to extend conventional education which directed
working class students away from the labour movement.

The few dozens workers students at Oxford resisted the takeover move in
1909.  They used the traditional methods and went on strike, making the
issue a national one. After a few months, when the academics did
not back down, the students established the Labour Colleges system.    
Classes were run in numerous cities, correspondence courses were soon set
up and the adult education system divided down the middle as the
conventional teachers  kept to their intentions. They continued with
the-middle-of-the-road Workers Education Association, the bitter rival
of what was to become the National Council of Labour Colleges, with its
own college in Tillicoulty, Scotland. This continued right up to 1964,
when the TUC took over the residue  in numerous cities.

The more aggressive unions, especially the miners, called on their
financial and political resources. They sent full-time students  to
the NCLC and their members received correspondence sheets and other
materials for a decade or so. Then the situation was complicated by the
 divisions within the labour movement as the political party adopted
conventional parliamentary procedures but many of the rank and file
supported the Communist Party and the new Russian society. Readers may
have their own views on the fate of the USSR but the struggle still
continues for education free from open capitalist influences.

Colin Waugh who is active on the Post 16 Educator journal, has written
a booklet to tell more fully the story above. Today education is not
totally subject to strong influences from powerful institutions in society
but many union members feel that the old master institutions are still
very influential. And there is still alienation. Many children grow
up without any personal knowledge of how, where, when and where  
unions can act to benefit workplace members, let alone the higher
reaches of current society.